There is something extraordinary — and perhaps dangerous — about the world we live in. Three generations have grown up in the West without directly experiencing a major war, prolonged famine, or the need to rebuild their lives from the ruins. They were born after the Second World War into a promise that, for a long time, seemed almost like a law of nature: tomorrow would be better than today.
And it was.
The West rebuilt what had
been destroyed and, upon the rubble, built prosperous, protected, and
comfortable societies. The state came to support citizens in times of illness,
old age, and unemployment. Technology reduced hardship and expanded
possibilities. Productivity increased, life expectancy grew, and consumption
ceased to be the privilege of a few.
Not everyone benefited
equally: wealth became concentrated, and inequality persists. But poverty
declined on a scale never seen before. It was an extraordinary human
achievement.
Moreover, perhaps it
created a trap.
For decades, there was
enough economic growth for politics to promise more without having to explain,
with every promise, who would ultimately pay the bill. More protection, more
benefits, more services, more consumption. Wealth seemed capable of keeping
pace with expectations.
The problem is that the
rebuilding is over.
There is no longer a Europe
lying in ruins waiting to be rebuilt, and the world emerging now is a different
one: aging societies, slower growth, indebted governments, and new demands
competing for the same resources.
But expectations have not
aged along with the economy.
We still want more.
Better pensions,
healthcare, education, security, infrastructure, cheaper energy, and higher
wages. There is usually a good reason behind each of these demands. The problem
arises when we discover that behind them there is no endless source of
resources.
There are people.
Someone pays.
For a while, debt allows us
to postpone that conversation. We can consume today what will be paid for
tomorrow. We can preserve benefits we can no longer fully afford and pass part
of the bill on to those who have not even reached the table yet.
But even the future can run
out of credit.
Perhaps this is one of the
contradictions of the Western political model. It learned to say “yes” in an
age of reconstruction and economic growth, when there was room to expand rights
and share in growing prosperity. Now it faces a task for which it may never
have been prepared: saying “no.”
Not because democracy has
ceased to make sense. But because no democracy can survive indefinitely by
promising what reality cannot deliver.
And saying “no” is
politically dangerous.
A government that promises
can be rewarded. A government that announces sacrifices can be punished. Not
necessarily because politicians fail to understand the problem, but because no
one likes to give up what they have learned to regard as theirs.
When conventional politics
can no longer deliver what it promises, space opens up for those who promise to
break with it. Complexity is reduced to simple villains. Prudence begins to
look like weakness. And authority becomes seductive precisely because it
promises to do what democracy increasingly seems less capable of doing: impose
limits. Even when that promise is disguised as a return to an idealized past
and ultimately comes at the expense of those with the least power to defend
themselves.
Authority is not
necessarily authoritarianism. But a democratic state also needs the authority
to say no — including to society itself.
Perhaps that is the
challenge we have been unable to solve.
How can a democracy acquire
enough strength to impose limits when its legitimacy depends on the consent of
those to whom it is saying “no”?
And while we fail to find
an answer, the bill keeps growing.
Perhaps a war could
interrupt this cycle. Perhaps a major economic crisis, a pandemic, or an energy
shock. Perhaps artificial intelligence will trigger a transformation so
profound that entire societies will be forced to reorganize work, wealth, and
power. I do not know which of these shadows, if any, will cross our threshold.
But they all have something
in common: they do, brutally and involuntarily, what politics seems unable to
do.
They impose scarcity.
They force us to choose.
They remind us that limits
exist.
It is a disturbing thought.
A society that has lost the ability to impose limits on itself voluntarily may eventually
learn to do so in the most painful way possible: through catastrophe.
I do not know whether that
will happen. And I hope it does not.
Perhaps it is still
possible to find a new way of organizing collective life, one capable of
preserving freedom while restoring the authority to say no. A politics less
seduced by easy promises and more willing to explain the price of our choices.
But looking at the world around us, that possibility seems increasingly
distant.
Perhaps this is the hidden
price of prosperity: we became so good at learning how to live with more that
we forgot how to live with less.
For decades, we transformed
scarcity into abundance. Now we must discover whether we are capable of
transforming abundance into responsibility before something forces us to do it.
Because when reality
finally comes to collect the bill, we no longer ask how much we are willing to
pay.
We discover how
much we have left.
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